The New Turkey |
|||||||
---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
No translations were made between page 149 and 248, since there are too many, sometimes rather confusing details that can hardly (without further research) put in relation to the central message of the book. The details on the fate of Hanefi Avcı, who several months before Ahmet Şık published a book on the Gülen Parish infiltrating the police and other official organs, however, should be worth mentioning. What is the Revolutionary HQ?The name of Revolutionary Headquarters (Devrimci Karargâh DK) was heard after the investigations into Ergenekon started. This organization carried out two actions, before an armed clash occurred that was presented live on TV. When Hanefi Avcı was arrested as a supporter of the organization, after he had written a book targeting the Fethullah Parish, everybody became curious about such an organization. On the website of DK it is said that it emerged from the Bedrettin and the 16 June Movements in the summer of 2005 to become a centre of revolutionary resistance in solidarity with the Kurdish freedom line. Yet, the language used did not resemble the socialist left. This became obvious in the declaration on the arrest of Hanefi Avcı. It could be argued that DK is a continuation of Partisan Path (Partizan Yolu) that Serdar Kaya, who now is shown as the leader of DK, founded in the 1970s. The website was hired in the Netherlands by a person that also hired a website on the name of Mahir Deniz (mixture of Mahir Çayan and Deniz Gezmiş) and showed an address next to Istanbul Police HQ in Vatan Caddesi No. 121. Apart from the question marks on the existence of such an organization news in the pro Islamic press raised further doubt. On 20 March 2009 the TV station Samanyolu alleged that links between Ergenekon and some left organizations such as Hizbullah, PKK, DHKP-C, MLKP had been revealed and that a new organization had been activated: DK. It was further claimed that this organization financed itself by drug smuggling. In the third indictment against Ergenekon statements of secret witnesses and confessors termed DK the city structure of people escaping the ranks of the PKK. A denunciation that was made to the police in Istanbul on 15 July 2009 went into the same direction. The e-mail named some addresses of soldiers in Gölcük alleging that they were involved in drug trade. None of the lieutenant was identified as having used drugs, but the police alleged that evidence was found on memory cards that showed a link to the DK. Yet, none of these memory cards had been used on the computers of the lieutenants. What we have tried to express (after citing many more rather confusing details; DTF) is not that the DK is an organization of Ergenekon, but rather in the contrary that it is an organization guided by the State. We cannot form a certain judgement that someone of DK is in direct contact with the State, but can show the fact that the attempt was made to show the organization being guided by Ergenekon. How a hunter of terrorists becomes a supporterIn the 600-page of Hanefi Avcı the part entitled ″Parish“ created excitement because of the allegation that the Fethullahçıs were about to take over the State by first infiltrating the police and later the bureaucracy. Hanefi Avcı has tried to answer the accusation via his lawyers and correspondence from prison, but his voice was not heard or there was no wish to hear it. I've written to him in Silivri Prison and asked some questions. He said that he would answer them via intermediates that visit him. The book will be finished with the answers that he will provide. EpilogueSince the Justice and Development Party came to power in 2002 the organization of the Fethullahçıs within the police was often made the subject. Since the operations against Ergenekon with many defendants coming from military ranks started, the police officers conducting the investigations have become the target of criticism. Many of the police officers and particularly the prosecutor Zekeriya Öz were accused of belonging to the Fethullah Parish. We certainly do not know whether the names, persons and institutions at the heart of the accusations are Fethullahçıs or not. But looking at the existing situation the finding is not wrong that the Ergenekon investigation and trial is a tools for the AKP to restrict freedoms. Some people argue that parishes are organizations of civil society. The aim of our book is certainly not to white wash the police officers and defendants in the Ergenkon trial that are subjected to a number of accusations. We only wanted to show what happens to those who say ″the king is naked″, because there are almost no media organs and journalists who do so. The series of translated passages
|